A Critical Response to Aristotle Kallis' The Radical Right in Contemporary Europe

  • December 25, 2023

In recent years, socio-economic insecurities and structural challenges have paved the way for the rise of radical right movements across Europe. This article draws on insights from Kallis' The Radical Right in Contemporary Europe, exploring how integration issues, economic disparities, and the legitimization of radical right rhetoric have shaped this trend. It also reflects on the long-term consequences of the radical right's growing influence on European democratic values and social cohesion.

The Radical Right in Contemporary Europe

In The Radical Right in Contemporary Europe, Aristotle Kallis explores the rise of radical right-wing movements in Europe, attributing their success to the growing existential and economic insecurities in the post-2000 era. These movements, characterized by nationalism, anti-immigrant sentiment, and Euroscepticism, have found fertile ground in the fears and grievances of voters. Kallis highlights the increasing normalization of these ideologies in mainstream politics, with radical right parties gaining political power and shaping public discourse. Through historical context and contemporary examples, Kallis urges reflection on the long-term effects of this rise on European democracy and inclusivity.

The text in question examines in depth the existential insecurity and identity/economic concerns that have increased since the new millennium and provides a fertile ground for the populist message of the radical right. Since various major wars, the radical right has been laying the groundwork and continues its existence with various ideological updates (Kallis, 2015). It is emphasized that the radical right, supported by themes such as anti-immigration, Islamophobia, anti-establishment, and anti-EU sentiments, is brought into the mainstream and sometimes used by the mainstream for various purposes.

The author criticizes mainstream political forces for their complacency and failure to effectively counter the rise of the radical right, accusing them of supporting positions that inadvertently empower these movements. While acknowledging the success of democracy and human rights efforts in curbing radical right-wing parties after the era of totalitarian regimes (e.g., Mussolini, Hitler), the author concedes that these measures have not prevented the resurgence of right-wing ideologies, racism, and critiques of liberalism (Kallis, 2015). It is also worth noting that radical right-wing populist leaders, whose influence continues to have a ripple effect across the globe, have popularized discourses aimed at securing votes, maintaining their political power, and generating profit. Alarmingly, many opposing parties and politicians have begun to adopt these same narratives.

The text highlights the increasing political influence of radical right parties, their inclusion in government coalitions, and the gradual adoption by mainstream parties of radical right language that legitimizes anti-immigrant policies. As a result, the successes of the right-wing in Germany and Italy can be cited as examples. Especially due to increasing immigration, citizens seem to be very willing to support radical right-wingers. The radical right gathers a lot of support by bringing up the fact that immigrants threaten their resources and citizens are prevented from accessing these resources through their zero-sum approach.

Tracing the historical development of the radical right since the early 20th century, the text highlights a resurgence in the 1990s marked by anti-immigrant and nationalist themes. This being the case, a new kind of radical, ultra-nationalist and indeed 'revolutionary' right emerged, combining right-wing ideas with the organizational and activist examples provided by the revolutionary left. This revolutionary right feeds various groups with ideas such as eurosceptism, anti-immigration, and anti-liberal democracy. These groups include political parties, various groups, white supremacists, and various citizens acting alone. These people and organizations do not hesitate to commit radical and violent actions. Such actions continue not only on the streets but also on the internet and social media, just like in Turkey.

There has been a transition from a conjuncture in which left-wing parties previously found more space to a much more right-wing conjuncture. The radical right uses immigrants and Islamophobia as an instrument, but the real problem is that it is not only used by the radical right. These instruments are often used by the mainstream in order to win elections, gather votes, and gain legitimacy on political grounds (Kallis, 2015). But doesn't Europe think about its multinational structure? This multinational structure, although not as much as America, faces a greater danger every day. What happens if immigrants and Muslims who have been marginalized as a result of acts of violence consider making a noise and taking to the streets one day?

The author explains why right-wing radicalism has risen so much, but some details need to be mentioned. The European people allow this rise of right-wing radicalism because there are certain situations they are not happy with. For example, the fact that immigrants constitute 32% of the crime rate in Germany reveals why these people are unwanted (Temurçin & Gürlevik, 2018). Unfortunately, it is an unfortunate fact that foreigners reject integration and continue the activities they do in their own country in the countries they immigrate to. While a foreigner is a harmless concept that does not concern communities in his own country, he is seen as an unwanted, infected, and incompatible person in the country he immigrates to. Unfortunately, these people, who are sometimes pitied in their own countries, turn into monsters in the minds of some people over time. The main reasons for this are not knowing the language, difficulties in finding a job and not being accepted in society. This brings immigrants closer to crime.

In addition, I think the fact that the mainstream sometimes does not speak out against the extreme rhetoric of the radical right or uses it strengthens the radical right. In Europe and Turkey, the radical right can create an agenda for itself on a single issue, for example, the Victory Party in Turkey. The Victory Party started its political life with its anti-immigrant rhetoric (Syrians) and has no objection to being remembered as an anti-immigrant political party. In case of any economic difficulties in Europe, especially anti-immigrant, anti-Islam, anti-establishment, and anti-EU sentiments will increase even more because Turkey, as a country experiencing these, is good evidence. If European people, politicians and groups continue to support the radical right and its discourses in this direction, the border between the mainstream and the radical right will become even more blurred.

As a result, the text offers a comprehensive review of the radical right trend in Europe, highlighting problems such as increasing immigration, economic concerns, and Islamophobia that have strengthened after September 11. The fact that radical right-winger Javier Millie won even in Argentina shows that a new era has begun all over the world. This trend will rapidly increase as millions of displaced people, forced to relocate due to globalization, war, famine, and coups, cross borders.

Another aspect is the symbiotic relationship between the radical right and mainstream politics; Here, themes such as anti-immigrant sentiment and Islamophobia are not only used by the radical right, but are also sometimes co-opted by mainstream forces for electoral gains. This intertwining raises questions about the long-term effects of Europe's multinational structure, especially given the potential for marginalized communities, including immigrants and Muslims, to respond to the prevailing socio-political climate. Moreover, unfortunately, the rise of this radical right will greatly change the political language in Europe, because the mainstream will continue to use this radical right language to gain votes for their own cause because they deserve it. We will see together what kind of damage this situation will cause to the values that have existed since the foundation of Europe and which every state must comply with.

In conclusion, the article draws attention to the potential for increased anti-immigrant sentiments during the economic crisis, drawing parallels with Turkey's experience. The cautionary note about the blurring of the border between the mainstream and the radical right underscores the need for careful scrutiny of political discourse to prevent the normalization of extreme ideologies. As Europe grapples with these challenges, it is crucial for Europe to address the root causes of discontent, promote inclusive dialogue, and critically evaluate the consequences of the mainstream's engagement with radical right narratives. Only through such introspection and proactive measures can Europe hope to overcome the complexities created by the radical right and preserve the values of a diverse and interconnected society.

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